were wise and enlightened. In each
group the men who killed Orion acted
from high and responsible motives. And
yet their
motives were strangely irrele-
vant to the real issues at stake in this
highly individual case. I will examine
the four groups in turn and describe
how the problem of Orion presented
itself to
them.
The Defense Department chiefs have
been waging for many years a suc-
cessful battle to stop the Air Force
from embarking upon a great variety
of technically interesting projects whose
military importance is questionable.
The nuclear-propelled airplane was one
such project, which was stopped only
after large sums of money had been
wasted on it. More recently, as in the
cases of the
B-70
bomber and the
Dynasoar orbital airplane, McNaniara
has been strong enough to call a halt
before the big money was spent. There
is little doubt that, when the Air Force
asked for more money for Orion, the
authorities in the Defense Department
mostly thought of it as one more in the
long series of Air Force extravaganzas
which it was their duty to suppress. The
way in which the money was requested
made it difficult for them to view it
otherwise. And within this context
their decision was unquestionably
right.
The heads of NASA were not in-
terested in Orion at the time NASA
began for the
simple reason that it was
a classified project supported by the
Defense Department and therefore out-
side their terms of reference. They were
explicitly enjoined by Congress not to
trespass upon military ground, and they
had no wish to become gratuitously
involved with a project encumbered by
all the bureaucratic nuisances of secre-
cy.
'The established policy of NASA is
to conduct as many as possible of its
operations openly and without requir-
ing all its employees to be cleared
for security. Few will question that
this policy is wise as a general rule,
and indeed essential to the maintenance
of a healthy scientific atmosphere with-
in NASA.
When the heads of NASA came to
their final decision concerning Orion,
in 1964, the jurisdictional issue was
no longer central. The Air Force had
officially appealed to NASA for a dec-
laration of support, and participation
in a future development of Orion would
not have compromised the nonmilitary
status of NASA. In 1964 the dominat-
ing concern at the top levels of NASA
was the search for political stability.
The heads of NASA have learned that
their first duty to the space program
is to keep it politically popular. With-
out consistent support from the public
and from Congress, there would be
no possibility of an effective program.
It is therefore wise to sacrifice technical
improvements if technical improve-
ments carry risks of failure which
may
be politically upsetting to the entire pro-
gram. Above all, spectacular and public
failures are to be avoided. When
a
re-
sponsible public official thinks of Orion
he inevitably envisions a shipload of
atomic bonlbs all detonating simulta-
neously and wiping out half of Florida.
Though it is technically easy to make
such an accident impossible, it is not
possible to exorcise the fear of it. The
heads of NASA know that fear is
the most potent force in politics, and
they have no wish to be feared.
The promoters of the test-ban treaty
are a heterogeneous group of people,
including the Arms Control and Dis-
armament Agency, the State Depart-
ment, a large segment of Congress,
the White House staff, and the Presi-
dent's Science Advisory Committee
(PSAC). About the only thing that
all the people working for the treaty
had in common was a total unconcern
for the welfare of Project Orion. Most
of them had never heard of Orion, and
most of those who had heard of it
(for example,
some influential mem-
bers of PSAC) had met it only in
a
context in which they were committed
to oppose it. They had met it within
the context of a continuing battle to
stop the military arm of the U.S.
Government from gratuitously expand-
ing the arms race into arenas where no
arms race yet existed. The PSAC had
been successful in opposing a race to
build bigger bombs than the U.S.S.R.
was building, and had also successfully
opposed the idea of placing offensive
nuclear weapons in orbit. The members
of PSAC have developed a deep com-
mitment to the policy of military re-
straint, of deploying new weapons sys-
tems only when a military need exists
and not just for the sake of technolog-
ical novelty. Their commitment to this
goal has served their country well, and
has borne fruit in many other wise de-
cisions besides the decision to negotiate
the test-ban treaty. Seeing Orion from
this viewpoint, as an Air Force project
ostensibly aimed at large-scale military
operations in space, they felt no
qualms in crushing it.
Lastly, the scientific community as
a whole is responsible, in a negative
sense, for the death of Orion. The
vast majority of scientists have con-
sistently refused to become interested
in the technical problems of propulsion,
believing that this was a job for en-
gineers. A clear illustration of their
point of
view is provided by the report
on national goals in space for the
years 1971-85, recently published by
the Space Science Board of the National
Academy of Sciences. This report de-
scribes in detail a recommended pro-
gram of space activities which is based
on the assumption that the propulsion
systems available until 1985 will be
those now under development. The
Space Science Board does not concern
itself with the question of whether a
scientific effort might bring radical im-
provements in the art of propulsion
before 1985. To sonlebody familiar with
the potentialities of Orion, the Space
Science Board program seems both
pitifully modest and absurdly expen-
sive.
Here again, the disinterest of scien-
tists in problems of propulsion arises
from attitudes which in a wider context
are wise and healthy. In their dealings
with NASA and with the public, scien-
tists have constantly preached that the
payload is more important than the
rocket, that what you do there is more
important than how you get there. They
have argued repeatedly, and usually
without success, that ten dollars spent
on unmanned vehicles are scientifically
more useful than a hundred spent on
manned vehicles, and that often one
dollar spent on ground-based observa-
tions is scientifically more useful still.
They have been alienated from the
field of propulsion by the spectacle of
NASA officials claiming a scientific
justification for space-propulsion de-
velopments which have little or nothing
to do with science. They have, after
long years of listening to the pseudo-
scientific propaganda of the manned
space program, learned to confine their
attention to that small part of the
NASA empire within which they have
some real influence-namely, the Office
of Space Science and Applications
(OSSA). Within OSSA they have cre-
ated an atmosphere of scientific sanity
which has allowed excellent and many-
sided programs of unmanned scientific
exploration to be carried out with the
eighth of the NASA budget which is
allotted to this purpose.
The Space Science Board of the Na-
tional Academy, in its consideration of
future activities, was mainly concerned
with preserving the quality and the
sci-